INDIE FREE FESTIVAL # 22 >>SAT. 29/9/2012 // PEDION AREOS PARK 3 stages of underground cultures // athens / greece

Live Concert Stage

Hip Hop Live Stage

Drum 'n Bass Stage

Psychedelic Trance Stage

more than 8000 people and 100 artists

ΚΕΝΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ

[Θεωρία, Ουτοπία, Συναίσθηση, Εφήμερες Τέχνες]

http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com

INDIE FREE FESTIVAL # 22

3 stages of underground cultures

SATURDAY 29 SEPTEMBER 2012

PEDION AREOS PARK

athens / greece

STARTS 18.00

INDIE FREE / CONCERT STAGE

18:00 -18:30  DJEMBE LOCO [drums]

18:30 -19:15  FREQUENCY ON [indie]

19:15 – 20:00  ODIOLAB [psy ambient]

20:00 – 20:45  LIZARDS [rock]

20:45 – 21:30  EMPTY FRAME [indie]

21:30 – 22:15  NALYSSA GREEN [indie]

22:15 – 23:00  LORD 13 [stoner]

23:00 – 23:45  Θ. ΑΝΕΣΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ [dark wave]

23:45 – 12:30  DROG_A_TEK [experimental]

12:30 – 01:15  BABY GURU [indie]

01:15 – 02:00  ΜIKAEL DELTA [techno]

02:00 - 02:45  FUNDRACAR [reggae]

02:45 – 03:30  ZEN GARDEN [space out]

 03:30 – 04:15  THE BOY [indie]

04:15 – 05:00  TILBURY ON CLOVES [new wave]

05:00 – 05:45  EYE LEVEL [rock]

HIP HOP LIVE STAGE

STARTS 18.00

18.00 - 19.00 DJ DIFFER
19.00 - 19.40 DA BIZ
19.40 - 20.20 UNDER PREASSURE
20.20 - 21.00 POR HOUITOS
21.00 - 21.40 TFS
21.40 - 22.20 MONKEY MAN
22.20 - 23.00 ΚΥΚΝΕΙΟ ΑΣΜΑ 

23.00 - 23.40 INTIFANTA
23.40 - 12.20 ANTINOMIA
12.20 - 01.00 OMERTA
01.00 - 01.40 DAGOBAH SYSTEM

+ DRUM N BASS / BREAKS ZONE

STARTS 02.00 at night

02.00 - 03.00  RESONANT STATUS

03.00 – 05.00  ENEMIES OF THE STATE

05.00 – end    AENEAS SMITH

PSYCHEDELIC TRANCE STAGE

STARTS 22.00

22.00 – 23.00  VLASTUR

23.00 – 24.00  JUNIOR X

24.00 – 01.00  ENTON

01.00 – 02.15  NIKITAS

02.15 – 03.30  CONFO

03.30 – 5.00  MINDPHASER

                  vs. PSYCHO QUEEN

05.00 – 06.00  CRYSTAL ZERO

06.00 – end     PACHANOI                                                  vs. CACTUS ARISING

To Indie Free Festival # 21 είναι μια εφήμερη, αυτόνομη εκστατική ζώνη στον Μητροπολιτικό δημόσιο χώρο, είναι μια γιορτή της Αυτονομίας, ένα πείραμα…  Από το 1990 έως σήμερα οι εκδηλώσεις του Κενού Δικτύου διοργανώνονται χωρίς εισιτήριο, χωρίς αμοιβές, χωρίς ιδιωτικούς χορηγούς και εταιρίες security, χωρίς κρατικές επιχορηγήσεις, χωρίς εκμεταλλευτικές και εμπορευματικές σχέσεις, χωρίς κανένα οικονομικό κέρδος για κανένα από τους ακτιβιστές ή τους καλλιτέχνες που συμμετάσχουν.

Σκοπός του Indie Free Festival είναι να ξεπεράσει τα όρια του μακροβιότερου μουσικού φεστιβάλ της Ανεξάρτητης Σκηνής στην Ελλάδα και να αποτελέσει παράδειγμα οργάνωσης και έμπνευσης για αυτο-οργανωμένες προσπάθειες πολλών διαφορετικών ομαδοποιήσεων που θα καλύπτουν όλα τα πεδία της καθημερινής ζωής. Φιλικές σχέσεις, συναίσθηση, κοινωνική αλληλεγγύη και ευαισθητοποίηση... Ποιητική καθημερινότητα, εφαρμοσμένη Ουτοπία, η Τέχνη του να Ζεις, να αμφισβητείς και να αλλάζεις τον ρυθμό της πόλης σου με την δύναμη των επιλογών σου, με την δύναμη της συλλογικής δέσμευσης, της αφοσίωσης, του αγώνα και της φαντασίας σου...
Να αλλάξουμε την Ζωή, Να αλλάξουμε τον Κόσμο!

Θέλουμε να δούμε τους δημιουργικούς και κοινωνικά  ευαισθητοποιημένους ανθρώπους αυτής της πόλης να συν-διαμορφώνουν ομάδες συνάφειας, μεγάλες αυτόνομες παρέες φίλων που μοιράζονται την ζωή τους, αγαπούν και εμπιστεύονται ο ένας τον άλλον, δρουν στον δημόσιο χώρο πραγματώνοντας τα σχέδια τους. Θέλουμε να δούμε παρέες φίλων που με την δράση τους θα προκαλούν ρήγματα στην κοινωνία, θα προκαλούν αλλαγές στον τρόπο που ζούμε, δρούμε και σκεφτόμαστε, θα επιτίθενται ενάντια στην κυρίαρχη τάξη, την βιομηχανία μαζικής κουλτούρας και στην γενικευμένη κοινωνική αποβλάκωση, θα δίνουν συλλογικές απαντήσεις και κοινωνικές λύσεις στα καθημερινά προβλήματα, τις επιθυμίες και τις ανάγκες μας, τις αγωνίες και τα όνειρα όλων μας. 

Το Κενό Δίκτυο, από το 1990 μέχρι σήμερα είναι μια μεγάλη παρέα φίλων, μια αγέλη μητροπολιτικών νομάδων που συναντιούνται στο κέντρο της πόλης, μοιράζονται τις επιθυμίες τους, τις ανάγκες τους και τα όνειρα τους, αποφασίζουν μαζί δράσεις και κάνουν πράξη τις αποφάσεις τους στον Δημόσιο Χώρο. 
Ενεργά κοινωνικά υποκείμενα στα χρόνια της εκμετάλλευσης που απεχθάνονται τα χρήματα, την  εργασία και τους μισθούς, ποιητές που φτύνουν τους κυβερνήτες και τα αφεντικά,  κατασκευαστές καταστάσεων που σχεδιάζουν  εφήμερες ονειρικές πολιτείες και αυτόνομες ζώνες, παραγωγοί του ήχου της ατέρμονης πίεσης, πολιτισμικοί ακτιβιστές, καλλιτέχνες της συμβίωσης και υπερασπιστές της κοινωνικής χειραφέτησης, ρομαντικοί ερωτευμένοι που ποθούν να ζήσουν ίσοι και ελεύθεροι, νυχτερινοί διασαλευτές της κοινωνικής απάθειας, μεθυσμένοι πλάνητες σε επικίνδυνους δρόμους και σκοτεινές συνοικίες, σχηματίζουν συλλογικά  δίκτυα, χώρους διαλόγου, λαβυρίνθους ιδεών, πρωτοβουλίες και πράξεις.

Η απελευθερωτική φιλοσοφία της καθημερινής ζωής, η επαναστατική τέχνη της έκφρασης και της συνύπαρξης, η κοινωνική / πολιτική συμμετοχή στους αγώνες της εποχής μας ισορροπούν μέσα στον καθένα μας σαν σε τεντωμένο σχοινί.
Να δημιουργήσουμε άπειρες μικρές και μεγάλες αντικαθεστωτικές  συλλογικότητες που θα βασίζονται στις κοινές επιθυμίες και ανάγκες και θα προκαλούν άμεσες ρήξεις στον τρόπο που σκεφτόμαστε, στον τρόπο που ζούμε και στον τρόπο που αγωνιζόμαστε. 
Να πάρουμε την ζωή μας στα χέρια μας. Να μην ζήσουμε σαν Δούλοι!
Να μείνουμε άγρυπνοι μες στο σκοτάδι του κόσμου! Να μην αφήσουμε τις μέρες μας να πάνε χαμένες! Να ζήσουμε, να  γιορτάσουμε και να αγωνιστούμε σαν να είναι δικά μας παιδιά όλα τα παιδιά που θα γεννηθούν στους αιώνες που έρχονται.

Λυσσασμένοι για Έρωτα, Ζωή, Ισότητα και Ελευθερία.

ΚΕΝΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ   http://voidetwork.blogspot.com

"Global Civil War" a short film by Void Network

 


"Global Civil War"
a short film by Void Network 
http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com 

directed by Tasos Sagris 

edited by Alkistis Kafetzi 

feat. global movement videos 
from all over the world 
and handcamera footages 
from Athens riots during summer 2011 
by Markos Gounelas / Alkistis Kefatzi 
film created as a part of theatre play 
"I am Dying as Country" directed by Tasos Sagris 
written by D.Dimitriadis / produced by +the Institute for Experimental Arts
and Void Network
music by George Kouvaras 



In an era when the global economy is so intertwined that the primary conflict between nation-states involves demolishing their borders for “free
trade,” a military war on the scale of the Second World War is simply a financial impossibility. Increasingly, such traditional military war is reduced to the periphery of empire, while a different kind of war is waged inside the centre of empire.

What is this new kind of war, and is it actually

just the return of a forgotten form of warfare?

What is the geneaology warfare? Historically, the Greeks recognize two different kinds of war,  the
civil war [emfylios] and the social war [koinonikos polemos].

The civil war, emfylios, is the primordial taking of positions that binds together opposing collectivities. From the perspective of the state, civil war can be a war interior to itself, such as the English Civil
War or the French Revolution of 1789, but it can also be a war before and beyond the existence of the state, ranging from the various religious wars that came before the formation of the modern nation state to the Commune of Paris in 1871 or the revolt in Oaxaca in 2006.

It is this last kind of civil war that gains increasing importance as the form of the nation-state mixes with the universalised state of empire. Inside
empire, civil war polarizes an otherwise uniform citizenry, forcing them to take either the side of the partisans or the side of the empire itself.
Let us remember that a civil war is between any collectivities that may be latent within a state, and these collectivities may very well
be counter-revolutionary, as the phenomenon of political Islam in the
Middle East shows all too well. (…)

As no individual nation-state stands as an island due to their interlocking into the global state of empire, so the insurrection in different countries also naturally raises the possibility of global civil war against empire. 
The true nightmare of empire is revealed: 
The seeming historic abnormality of civil war is always present even within the so-called “peace”                  of capitalist representative democracy, and global
civil war will return to the stage of history as that very image of “peace” rapidly unravels in the wake of the financial crisis.

In Greek, "koinonikos polemos" means the social war. "Koinonikos polemos" is separate from  emfylios "civil war", although in other languages there is only a single word for both kinds of war, like Burgerskrieg in German.
Although the term “social war” is often thrown around in a sloppy and confused manner in anarchist propaganda, yet the history of this term
reveals that a certain powerful concept is being deployed, a concept that can help us understand a distinct transformation in the form of warfare since the Second World War. The concept of “social war” should directly address the repressive side of the transition from the localized nation-state to the global state of empire—as the function of counter-insurrection is too often ignored by certain ivory-tower theorists, but of immense and immediate concern to practising revolutionaries.

In contrast to civil war, which signifies the breakdown of the apparatus of the state, social war is the low-intensity war by the state
against the social relationships of its own population in order to maintain its continued existence.
The social war then encompasses the totality of everyday life: To be alive today is to be at war, to never sleep properly, to awaken at odd hours to work, to be constantly surrounded by surveillance and police. A further recital of the various symptoms
is unnecessary. Unlike in military war, demands of any kind are futile:
demands would only make sense as long as the social war was limited in time and space, yet the capitalist form of life today encompasses the
entire globe and imagines its reproduction extending into the infinite future. Another response is to pretend the social war doesn’t exist—per-
haps the most popular option. More so than in any other moment in history, the temporary relief that bread and circuses provide the population from the social war has been transformed into an entire global
industry. One does not win a war by pretending it does not exist. One does not even survive a war in that manner. One wins a war by understanding the terrain and acting accordingly. So a theory of social war will be our weapon against the social war itself, allowing us to recognize our common terrain and devise a strategy to end this state of affairs.(…)


you can read all text titled “FOR THE INSURRECTION TO SUCCEED, WE MUST FIRST DESTROY OURSELVES” by Alex Trocchi here: https://translationcollective.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/self-destruct.pdf

 

“One year after Occupy Wall Street: DEBT, CRISES and GLOBAL REVOLUTION” a talk of DAVID GRAEBER with TASOS SAGRIS from Void Network

Commemorating one year from Occupy Wall street movement and the movement of open public assemblies in thousands of squares, parks and streets all over the world, the anarchist anthropologist David Graeber speaks about the past and the future of exploitation and global revoltwith the poet and writer from Greece Tasos Sagris from Void Network (co-editor of the book “We Are an Image from the Future / The Greek Revolt of Dec. 2008”, AKPress). 

1. Debt is Enslavement

Tasos Sagris: During summer 2011 all major cities of this planet faced mass riots and demonstrations. During all these period Void Network was spreading everywhere the graffiti “WeWon’t Live like Slaves”. In your book “Debt, the first 5000 years” you try to write a history for people without history and observe common subjects with uncommon ways. Can you explain us in short terms how Work, Money and Debt are historical ways of enslavement, exploitation and violent domination in our days like they were for thousands of years now?


David Graeber: One realization really startled me when researching the book: that is, the realization that throughout human history, most people have been in debt. Think about it for a second. Could the majority of the human race really be improvident failures unable to manage their affairs, and thus justly dependent on the rich? Of course not. Rather, states and elites have always colluded to ensure that their subjects become debtors; not least, because debt is the easiest way to take a relation of violent inequality, of violent extraction, and make it seem not only moral, but make it seem like it's the victim who's to blame. That's why mafiosi always dress up extortion in a language of debt. But it's the same with conquering armies, and gradually, all ruling classes seem to figure out the trick. So debt produces a form of slavery that seems voluntary; "well, you didn't have to take the loan out to begin with, did you" - though, in fact, the vast majority of loans in history were not commercial loans, voluntarily undertaken, but loans taken for survival by small farmers or craftsmen who had lost the networks of mutual aid that could have otherwise kept them afloat in hard times, or loans to pay taxes or some similar government extraction. In the colonial world you can see it happening quite clearly because colonial governments were very explicit about using tax policy as ways to get everyone into debt so as to extract more and more work out of them.
The same is true of wages by the way. In a technical way, loans and wages are very similar. They're both based on an illusion of equality: except, we are supposed to pretend that two independent, legally equal individuals enter into a contract not to be equals any more: in one case, as a debtor, until the loan is repaid, the other, as a laborer. Obviously, in each case, the money flows in opposite directions. But when you start exploring the historical origins of either, you end up in slavery again. Debt was used as the main way to turn people into slaves, or to get them to sell off members of their families as slaves. But most early wage laborers actually were slaves. That's true in ancient Greece, to the Medieval port cities of the Indian Ocean. Free people almost invariably refused to work for others wages (except maybe, in democratic Athens, for the state, since that wasn't seen as working for others but for the demos, which included oneself.)  The first wage laborers were always slaves that were being rented out by their masters: the owner got a half share of the wage, the slave got the rest for upkeep. In a fascinating ideological twist, capitalists have managed to take what was always considered a form of slavery and to present it to us as the very essence of human freedom.

2. Global Movement and Direct Democracy  

Tasos Sagris: Anarchists and antiauthoritarians offered a lot until now to the movements of our times. Among them the most popular are the diversity of Direct Democratic ways of organizing, the non hierarchical decision making processes, the self-organization, the consensus, the non representation and the uncompromised non negotiation with the authorities. Even though it seems that anarchists really lack, for the moment, clear political propositions for solving the every day life problems of our century or a clear strategy for destroying 21st century capitalism…what can be a way  for bringing the movement of the movements further towards the direction of real social, economic and cultural emancipation?

David Graeber: In the US, at least, we're trying to build a genuinely democratic culture - a matter of habits of horizontal decision-making, skills, capacities, that have never really existed before except among some very isolated populations like Quakers and Native Americans. It's not so much the institutions, necessarily (which can always be improvised when we need them) but the habits. Most US citizens don't have the slightest idea how to conduct themselves democratically. Or even how to think democratically - hence, for example, the notion of "public opinion." Opinions are what you have when you have no power. The rulers don't have opinions. They have policies. Policies are what you have when you're inflicting on something on people who have no say, just opinions. We need to get rid of both. One things really start to fall apart, and we enter into crisis mode, people are going to have to decide what to turn to: the right, which will offer some new form of violent post-apocalyptic authoritarianism, some kind of mafia system, or a more horizontal solution. The verticals will be able to offer a certain stark efficiency, but systems like that are ultimately stupid and inflexible, because they're unimaginative.  Our systems will be far more intelligent, but we'll never be as good at violence. We'll have to develop some really strong capacities for effective democratic organization, and making it pleasurable, fun, and satisfying as well as just effective, in order to be able to win out nonetheless.

3. Political Violence and Tactics of Struggle

Tasos Sagris: The anarchists all over the world accuse the pacifists for causing victimization of the people and spirit of defeatism in the movements. The liberals in America accuse Anarchists for alienating the people through violent tactics and direct actions. The media all around the world spread fear and massive stupidity. In north Africa the “Arab spring” is lost in the smoke of armed street fights, Nato air bombings and rich gangs of Islamic fundamentalism. In western metropolis crisis becomes the best excuse for the reappearance of racism and neonazism and the street violence of youth gangs becomes more and more uncontrollable. The hate and anger is everywhere, you can feel it. Can we offer new directions to all these anger? What signifies historically the difference between political violence and street gang hooliganism?


David Graber: We have to be realistic about the role of violence. Violence is the enemy's strongest card to play, because violence - especially organized violence - the one form of stupidity to which it's almost impossible to come up with an intelligent response. We have to remember that violence is ultimately a form of stupidity. That doesn't mean we don't do it - there are many situations where we simply have no choice, it's the only way to confront the massive violence and stupidity of the system. But it will never be how we win. Because violence is also one of the very few things that tends to be more effective if done in a top-down, command structure fashion. We're never going to defeat the 101st Airborne Division in a stand-up battle in the street. And anyway they have nukes. So the end-game has got to be to maneuver the enemy into a position where the people they send to shoot us refuse to do so, or simply go home, or join us. Now, obviously, we're not going to maneuver the  enemy into that position if we're practicing pure Gandhian non-violence either.
I agree with the APPO movement in Oaxaca: both Gandhian non-violence, and outright armed insurrection (at least if it continues for any time), will necessarily end up producing vertical structures and destroying democracy. But there's an enormous territory to be explored in between. 
As for hooliganism - well, I guess the other real problem with violence is that it's so terribly seductive, almost drug-like in its addictive qualities, once you get over the initial inhibitions. I think anthropology provides some useful insight here. One thing it teaches us quite clearly is that groups that consist exclusively - or almost exclusively - of young males from about 15-25 are really bad news (think about the atrocities of national armies all over the world!). The key thing I suspect is to make sure your groups that are prepared to engage in militant tactics if they have to be mixed in terms of age and especially gender and to ensure that they spend most of their time collaborating on something other than violence.

4. The Global Revolution

Tasos Sagris: If the “future is uncertain and the end is always near” (especially after Global warming did this clear)… can we think the movements of 2011-2012 as the beginning of a new global revolutionary era or they are just the last glimpses of the great revolutions of the past just before the greatest domination of Global capitalism ever?
   
David Graber: I doubt the coming years will look precisely like what we think a revolution should look like, but probably most revolutions in the past haven't looked like what we think they should look like for those living through them. 
I agree with Immanuel Wallerstein that future historians will be talking about the "world revolution of 2011" - in much the same way as they talk about 1848 or 1968, which also didn't involve any outright seizures of power or revolutionary regimes. And anyway what sort of criteria is that for an anarchist? Such revolutions transform political common sense, our horizons of possibility, and I think that's already happened. But even more: I think historians will remember this moment as the beginning of the struggles over the dismantling of the US military-financial empire. It will be dismantled. The struggles are over what form the next thing will take. 


more info about Void Network: http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com

here you can see also a short video of  International Solidarity message from Athens General Assembly some days after the start of Occupy Wall Street. The video includes video and photos from summer 2011 in Greece: